Jesse Trentadue is a Salt Lake City attorney who stumbled onto the OKC bombing case through the back door, so to speak. He had no knowledge of the real facts of the case and knew only what he had seen in the Controlled Mass Media (CMM). He did not become interested in knowing any more about it until a traumatic event took place in his life: his younger brother was beaten to death by (guards, FBI agents, marshals?) officials in the federal prison in August of 1995. Since Jesse has discovered real motives behind the murder of Kenneth Trentadue, he has become the walking/talking authority on the “inside job” conspiracy and cover-up of the OKC bombing.
Jesse Trentadue’s Lonely Crusade for Justice By William Norman Grigg
Jesse Trentadue
“His name used to be Don Jarrett,” long-time federal asset John Matthews told FBI Special Agent Adam Quirk during a July 9 phone call. Matthews was concerned that he would have to testify in a lawsuit filed by Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue seeking the release of long-concealed video tapes from the `1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Trentadue believes that the suppressed tapes would help identify “John Doe II,” a dark-haired, heavy-set man seen by dozens of people in the company of Timothy McVeigh on the day of the bombing.
“John Doe II” remains at large, and the FBI is perversely determined to protect him. For reasons that will be explained anon, Trentadue is convinced that learning his identity is necessary in order to obtain a measure of justice on behalf of his late brother Kenneth, who was killed while in federal custody shortly after the bombing.
Matthews was scheduled to testify during a federal court hearing in Salt Lake City last July. On the basis of what he had told Trentadue, Matthews was expected to describe how the FBI was closely monitoring McVeigh in the hours leading up to the bombing.
The FBI continues to insist – despite abundantevidence to the contrary – that there was no advance warning of the OKC terrorist attack, and that John Doe II and the “others unknown” referred to in Timothy McVeigh’s indictment do not exist.
Trentadue maintains that there is a “strong possibility” that the long-suppressed video recordings captured McVeigh in the company of a second person who would be identifiable as “an FBI undercover operative.”
During the July 9th phone call with Matthews, Mr. Jarrett told the jittery federal informant to avoid testifying if he could, and to perjure himself if he must. He was also instructed to call Special Agent Quirk, who eagerly reinforced that advice.
“I ain’t goin’ and I ain’t saying nothing unless somebody issues me a subpoena,” Matthews told Quirk,according to a transcript obtained by Trentadue. Even if “they haul my ass to Salt Lake City, I’m gonna set [sic] there on the stand and say I don’t recall anything.”
“That’s fine,” was Quirk’s approving reply to Matthews’ announced intent to commit perjury.
In a conversation on the following day, Matthews reiterated his determination to avoid a subpoena.
“Well, yeah, and I mean – worst case scenario, even if you testified you can just – you can say you have, you know – you have nothing to say,” advised Quirk.
Matthews, eager to please a high-ranking officer of the American Cheka, suggested that he might take a trip in order to avoid receiving a subpoena.
“That’s fine,” gloated Quirk. “F*ck ‘em, right?”
It was during the second conversation with Quirk that Matthews explicitly mentioned his role as an undercover operative in an FBI initiative called called PATCON, or “Patriot Conspiracy.” This was a long-term provocation campaign in which the Bureau sought “to infiltrate and incite the militia and evangelical Christians to violence so that the Department of Justice could crush them,” explains Trentadue.
The man Matthews had known as “Don Jarrett” had been his FBI handler – and apparently still is, given the deference to him shown by Matthews. Now that the Regime has largely shifted its domestic focus from Muslims back to “sovereign citizens,” Jarrett is probably busy orchestrating homeland security theater operations involving the “Radical Right.”
Assuming that “Don Jarrett” is still the name of Matthews’ former handler, he may currently be working as an “Independent Insurance Professional” in Florida. According to his vita, Jarrett retired from the FBI in 1998, becoming an insurance investigator and security consultant for the NFL. It’s not clear how he wound up in Afghanistan last year: A May 1, 2013 email to Matthews reported that he was in Afghanistan, and that he expected to leave at the end of June. Using his last known email address, I sent Jarrett a number of questions to which he has not replied. Given PATCON’s history the chances are pretty good that wherever Jarrett finds himself, bad things are being done to innocent people.
“Ruby Ridge was a PATCON operation,” Trentadue has pointed out. “Waco was a PATCON operation. And so, too, I believe, was the Oklahoma City Bombing.”
The same is probably true of the little-remembered October 1995 sequel to the OKC Bombing – the derailment of the Sunset Limited, an Amtrak train carrying 248 passengers. Sleeping car attendant Mitchell Bates was killed and 78 others were injured when four of the train’s 12 cars careened off a 30-foot trestle.
A rail joint bar supporting a critical section of the track had been removed by a saboteur who also knew how to short-circuit sensors that would have alerted the Amtrak engineer of trouble on the tracks ahead. Typewritten notes on both sides of the track expressed outrage over the familiar litany of federal crimes and claimed responsibility on behalf of a group calling itself “Sons of Gestapo” (SOG).
Publication of the SOG manifesto caused many foreheads to crease in puzzlement: This was a right-wing terrorist group so obscure that its existence was unknown even to Morris Dees and his ever-vigilant comrades, who are sensitive to every tremor of “right-wing extremism” occurring anywhere in thesoyuz.
SOG was unknown prior to the derailment, and hasn’t been heard from since. The FBI insists that it is continuing to investigate the derailment. For the past seven years, Victor Hooper, an electrical engineer from Anaheim, California, has been telling anybody in the Bureau who will listen that he knows who carried out that attack, and why it was done.
“That derailment was carried out by some of the people who helped McVeigh build the bomb for Oklahoma City,” Hooper insisted during a telephone interview with me. He claims to have known at least two of them as neighbors in Anaheim, where they became involved in drug trafficking as part of a neo-Nazi criminal syndicate –and that John Doe II is actually a young man he has known since childhood.
As Hooper tells the story, the man he identifies as John Doe II and whose identity is known to the FBI, worked closely with Kingman, Arizona resident Michael Fortier, who was involved in the OKC bombing plot and spent ten years in prison after agreeing to testify against McVeigh. According to Hooper, John Doe II told him that “McVeigh was trained in sabotage and taught him how to derail a train.”
Following the bombing, and publication of a composite sketch of “John Doe II,” FBI agents descended on Kingman en masse. Hooper claims that “Doe” and a handful of co-conspirators (who originally called themselves “Kings of Kings,” before adopting the moniker “Sons of Gestapo”) staged the Amtrak attack as a diversion, working in cooperation with another, longer-established neo-Nazi group.
“I heard these guys talking about derailing a train, but at the time I didn’t take it seriously,” Hooper told me. “For years I’ve been trying to get the FBI to act on this, and I’ve been told that the investigation is still open, but they’re not doing anything about this. They moved heaven and earth to get Osama bin Laden, but their investigation into John Doe II has been lackluster, at best. Why are they denying the testimony of twenty witnesses who saw McVeigh with another John Doe, and saying that John Doe II didn’t exist?”
“The FBI says that they’ve investigated the case, and they’ve planted agents around the people involved in the train derailment,” Hooper continued. “But it’s been nearly twenty years now, and they’ve not done anything about it.”
During his conversation with me, Hooper made it clear that he doesn’t hold Jesse Trentadue in particularly high esteem. However, they emphatically agree that the FBI knows the identity of John Doe II, and continues to protect him.
In a motion asking federal District Judge Clark Waddoups to hold the FBI in contempt of court, Tretadue points out that in 1995, Jarrett was involved in the Kingman, Arizona branch of the OKC Bombing investigation. At the time he was involved with the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force in Phoenix, which was obsessively focused on “right-wing extremism.” The FBI poured a huge amount of resources into the Amtrak derailment investigation, which it styled “Operation Splitrail.” As is nearly always the case, the operation was either a huge failure as an investigation, or a hugely successful effort to avoid solving the crime.Trentadue learned as much when he was “contacted by a man named Victor Hooper … who claimed to have information about both the Bombing and the Palo Verde train derailment that occurred in Arizona shortly after the Bombing. Hooper told [Trentadue] that the derailment was done to distract the FBI from the Arizona part of the Bombing investigation.”
During a conversation with Matthews in 2013, Trentadue recounted what Hooper had told him. That information was relayed by Matthews to his handler, and a short time later Jarrett contacted Trentadue to tell him that the derailment case “was still open; that the derailment had in fact caused resources to be shifted away from the Arizona portion of the Bombing investigation; and that Jarrett himself was transferred from the Bombing investigation to the [derailment] case.”
Even more importantly, Jarrett demanded that Trentadue “keep the Hooper information confidential because Hooper knew things about how the derailment was carried out that only the perpetrators would have known and that he, Jarrett, or others within the FBI would follow up with Hooper.”
By “follow up,” Trentadue understood, Jarrett probably meant “shut down.” This can mean witness tampering, as in the case of John Matthews. It could mean protecting the identity of key undercover operatives, such as “John Doe II.” In the case of Kenneth Trentadue, it meant killing someone who had been misidentified as an FBI asset with critical knowledge of the Bureau’s role in the OKC bombing plot. For the better part of two decades, Trentadue has tenaciously pursued the truth about the murder of his brother Kenneth while in federal custody.
On parole after serving prison time for bank robbery,Kenneth was detained in San Diego for a supposed parole violation and transported to the Federal Transfer Facility in Oklahoma City shortly after the bombing. His body was “found” hanging in its cell on August 21.
In body type, facial features, age, and even criminal record, Kenneth was a near-twin of Richard Lee Guthrie, a bank robber who was already in federal custody. Guthrie had been involved in a gang called the Aryan Republican Army (ARA) that staged bank robberies to fund domestic terrorism – including, apparently, the OKC bombing. Along with McVeigh, members of the ARA were frequent guests at a white supremacist commune in Oklahoma called Elohim City, which was overrun by government undercover operatives: German national Andres Strassmeir, Klan activist Dennis Mahon, Robert Millar, and former OKC socialite-turned-ATF asset Carol Howe.
The Feds who detained Kenneth Trentadue and beat him to death thought they were disposing of Guthrie,who knew enough about the government’s role in the OKC bombing to betroublesome. Not long after Kenneth was murdered, Guthrie fell victim to his own oddly staged “suicide.” This would have tied up some critical loose ends – if Kenneth’s family hadn’t found a dangling thread, and pulled on it has hard as they could.
By the time Kenneth’s mother Wilma was informed of his death, the crime scene was sanitized and the body prepared for cremation. Through her shock and bereavement, Wilma Trentadue had the clarity of mind to demand that her son’s body be preserved for a funeral.
As Wilma and older brother Jesse were finally allowed to see Kenneth’s mortal remains, they were further afflicted by the company of Michael Hood, regional counsel for the Bureau of Prisons.
As Jesse later recalled the conversation, the suitably named Hood issued a singularly unsubtle warning: “The Bureau of Prisons, the FBI and the U.S. Attorney’s office — we’re one big Justice Department.”
Jesse was astute enough to understand the import of that remark, and brave enough to treat it with the contempt it deserved. His resolution hardened into fury when he and his mother peeled away several layers of crudely applied makeup and examined the condition of Kenneth’s body.
“My brother had been so badly beaten that I personally saw several mourners leave the viewing to vomit in the parking lot!” Jesse wrote in an August 30, 1995 letter to the Bureau of Prisons that pulsated with tightly controlled rage. “Anyone seeing my brother’s battered body with his bruised and lacerated forehead, throat cut, and blue-black knuckles would not have concluded that his death was either easy or a ‘suicide’!”
Kenneth had committed crimes in his life and made his full allotment of mistakes, but at the time of his abduction he was the married, honestly employed father of a young child.
Finding himself the hopeless captive of the most despicable human beings defiling the earth, Kenneth defiantly chose to die on his own terms, thereby leaving behind evidence that his death was an act of state-sponsored murder, rather than despairing suicide.
“Had my brother been less of a man, your guards would have been able to kill him without inflicting so much injury to his body,” Jesse pointed out in his letter to the BoP. “Had that occurred, Kenney’s family would forever be guilt-ridden over his death. Each of us would have lived with the pain of thinking that Kenneth took his own life and that we had somehow failed him. By making the fight he did for his life, Ken has saved us that pain, and God bless for having done so!”
In 2001, a federal judge ruled that the FBI had lied about the circumstances of Kenneth Trentadue’s death, and had destroyed vital evidence in the case. The family received $1.1 million in damages, $250,000 of which was set aside as a reward for information leading to the prosecution and conviction of Kenneth’s murderers. Jesse Trentadue has continued to pursue civil action against the FBI, beginning with his demand to see the suppressed video footage of the bombing. The Bureau, displaying the resourcefulness of inveterate liars with unlimited funds, has employed every dilatory and diversionary tactic it can conjure, including the remarkable excuse that the recordings are lost somewhere in the trackless depths of the agency’s evidence from the OKC bombing investigation.
Today (November 13) Trentadue was in court seeking to have the Bureau held in contempt, and asking for the appointment of a “special master” to “oversee [the FBI’s] compliance with the court’s orders, particularly relating to the allegations of witness tampering, and with Plaintiff’s FOIA request.” While acknowledging the agency’s misbehavior, and “chiding” them for it, Judge Waddoups declined to sanction the Bureau. That limp rebuke prompted a protest from the FBI’s attorney, Kathryn Wyer, who indignantly insisted that the matter was closed because the Bureau had investigated itself and found no wrongdoing.
In 2007, shortly after filing his FOIA request for the OKC bombing videos, Jesse Trentadue contacted by convicted co-conspirator Terry Nichols, who is serving a life sentence for his role in the bombing and cannot be tried again on capital charges. With Trentadue’s assistance, Nichols filed a deposition in a Salt Lake City federal court.
In that sworn statement, Nichols claimed that McVeigh — who allegedly had been recruited as an undercover intelligence asset while in the Army — had been working under the supervision of Larry Potts, the same FBI official who wrote the murderous “rules of engagement” at Ruby Ridge and later supervised the annihilation of the Branch Davidians at Mt. Carmel, Texas. Coordinating the OKC operation was a Deputy Attorney General named Eric Holder, who later played an important role in covering up the circumstances of Kenneth Trentadue’s death.
Trentadue’s legal crusade began as an act of filial loyalty. It has become a struggle to expose the truth about the FBI’s ongoing campaign of surveillance, infiltration, provocation, and political murder.
“The reason [the FBI] doesn’t want that tape released is … that one of the people getting out of that truck on the morning of April 19, 1995, was working for the FBI,” Trentadue said in an interview with Lew Rockwell. “The FBI had, I now know, at least five or six undercover operatives linked in with McVeigh in Elohim City. What I don’t know is the motivation behind the bombing…. What is not clear is whether it was a sting operation gone bad, that the plan was to stop it but the FBI failed, or else they wanted it to happen, as horrible as that sounds…. It’s clear that they facilitated the bombing, directly or indirectly. It’s clear they didn’t stop it.”
As is so often the case, the best defense the Regime can make on its behalf is to plead murderous incompetence. In the best Soviet-style tradition of bureaucratic privilege, those most deeply implicated in the crime have been abundantly rewarded.
Today, Larry Potts enjoys a well-compensated sinecure as a Vice President with ambiguous duties for the Scientific Games Corporation. Eric Holder, who reinstated the OKC-inspired domestic terrorism task force in January of this year, is stepping down as Attorney General in anticipation of an even more lucrative reward. John Doe II and his associates remain at large, as does Mr. Jarrett, and countless other members of the FBI’s merry troupe of Homeland Security Theater players. We’ll be hearing from them again. (My thanks to commenter “ATFsux,” who pointed out some important information about Mr. Jarrett’s background.)
This author has a different perspective on the motive for the reason those Murrah Building bombing tapes will never be released (presuming they even still exist). Not to take away from the perspective that there are operatives being “protected” by the non-disclosure, the “rest of the story” isn’t about the operatives. It’s about the very planned operation, itself.
Texas Lawyer offers additional information
In a video-taped interview from a few years ago, this author described that the reason those tapes won’t be released is that they’ll show that the truck was “vaporized.” After having read Dr. Judy Wood’s, “Where Did The Towers Go?”, however long ago I got and read through that excellent intro to the study of applied free energy, which is very readable, even to those who don’t have science and engineering degrees, the term I have since used is “dustified.” “The” reason those video tapes of the Murrah Building bombing won’t be released is that they’ll show that the truck was “dustified.” As with the assassination of JFK, there may be any number of motives, but “the” motive is singular. For JFK, of course, it has to do with the difference between Money (think America) and “funny money” (think “United States” and “this state”). Here, it has to do with the weapons capability testing of directed free energy. The people of Oklahoma City experienced two explosions that morning, as documented for us all very early on by investigative journalist Pat Shannan. See his study/documentary, “OKC Bombing — Forerunner to 9/11.” There’s no way to sell a (sole, singular) “truck bomb” theory to the very people who experienced two explosions. Hence, “the” motive to “hire” yellow journalists to so hose over one of the planted/staged suspects as to motivate a request for a change of venue (which ruling exported that case across the State lines, in appearance of violation of Art. III, § 2, Art. IV, § 2, and the Sixth Amendment, but which State-line-crossing transfer was actually merely a STATE-line crossing transfer, which, in “this state,” is a transfer across a “county” line). The point is that for purposes of judicial activity, “everyone” was on the same page with a “lone truck bomb” perspective, for which reason there just wasn’t much investigation into the truck. Thing is, one of the most obvious pieces of evidence at the crime scene is what wasn’t there. There was no evidence of any truck bomb. The direct comparison is with the truck bombing in Madison, Wisconsin of the university’s Sterling Building. There were “tons” of evidence of that truck bomb, for the rather intact remains of that truck were well photographed for all to see. So, where’s the truck? If there was a truck there at the time of the beginning of the explosions, and there is competent evidence placing a Ryder truck at or near the building at the time, it disappeared rather rapidly, for there was no evidence of any truck of any type, kind, size, or nature anywhere near that crime scene, save those of the emergency responders and their equipment. What happened, then, to that truck is “the” reason why the Murrah Building bombing tapes won’t ever see the light of public viewing. The original objective of that mission was to destroy the materials of the investigation into the Clintons of drug-trafficking out of Mena, Arkansas. When he became president, that investigation was shelved, former “in the know” people were murdered in Waco (by their own, not by the Branch Davidians) (inauguration, Jan, 1993; Waco, Apr. 1993), and an ultimate “Don’t mess with us!” message was delivered by the butcherous “child sacrifice” known as the Murrah Building bombing (Apr. 1995). As that massacre/cover-up plan developed, it suited someone that it also become a “weapons test” opportunity. Why was the memorial concept crammed down our throats and that set up so promptly? So that the dirt, itself could/would be removed from that site. Why? Because it contained the evidence of “dustification” of that truck. That axle used for evidence? Totally, completely, absolutely fabricated. There was nothing left to identify as anything about any truck bomb. The “confession” that it was totally fabricated is the existence of that number on that axle, a number that no other such truck ever made ever had. To see some additional “evidence” that was fabricated for that “case,” just feel free to visit the “Let’s promote the lie” museum right there in downtown Oklahoma City. They should label it for what it is, which is another “Ripley’s Believe It or Not.” As with S-11, all proof that contradicts the “cover story” was confiscated and either destroyed or altered or simply “buried.” All that said, it’d be great if there were a way to get those Murrah Building bombing videos released. This author is simply not holding his breath. For example, it’d be “new evidence” on which to request a new trial or complete release of Nichols, and it would so damage the credibility of the prosecution system as to render major parts of it beyond repair. All of those people, then, have to be long into their retirement, at the earliest, before anything will be released, and since it would absolutely confirm “prior knowledge,” and not only that but also deliberate planning, on the part of the national government, think Clinton, that a lot more than the prosecution’s evidence destruction/fabrication is “on trial” with those particular videos. Those videos will prove the testing of directed free energy. How do we know? The most obvious connection is the “toasted cars.” There were two locations of “toasted cars” in NYC associated with S-11. Right across the street from the Murrah Building is the parking lot of “toasted cars.” There’s another one that’s obvious, as well. There’s no way under the heavens that a truck bomb would/could possibly break windows as far away from the Murrah Building as windows were broken in the Oklahoma City vicinity. (Down this path, we get the destruction of the roof of the Journal Records Building, which is the building that is on the far side of that same parking lot (with the toasted cars). No “truck bomb” could possibly have anything like the energy to cause that damage at that distance.) There is yet another. Note the destruction pattern in the Murrah Building. Now, compare that “slicing” appearance with the damage to the Marine barracks in Beirut (yes, more sacrifice for weapons testing — not “truck bomb” terrorists) and with the damage to the still-standing buildings after S-11. So, yes, thanks to the study in scientific reality taught to us by Dr. Judy Wood, we can “prove” the use of directed free energy associated with the Murrah Building bombing. That proof includes what we’re not finding in the list of evidence, and that’s any visual evidence of any truck after the explosions. Engine, transmission, radiator, wheels, tires, seats, window glass, etc., etc. If there’s an axle that survived, then there’s an engine and transmission and frame, etc., etc., that survived. So, where are they? In general, where’s the truck? There just can’t be an axle or two but no engine, no transmission, no other parts, whether metal or rubber or glass. There is no truck, because it got “dustified.” “They’ll be back” is 100% correct. They’ve already been back. Think S-11. It’s simply a matter of correctly identifying “they.” The Murrah Building bombing was a weapons test, in addition to everything else that it was, including child sacrifice, including “Don’t mess with us!” message that is signature of drug-traffickers, and any release of any actual, original videos would prove it visually.